Claude decides Jules v. Balazs (Guest Post)

Scott Dodson (UC-San Francisco) shared the following with me. Note that I think AI (as everyone is attempting to use it) is categorically evil. But Scott is a friend, so I will offer him a forum to share his handiwork:

In yesterday’s oral argument of Jules, Justice Alito asked, I assume jokingly, “Well, just out of curiosity, do you think we should ask Claude to decide this case?”:

Well, I did just that. Here’s the prompt I gave to Claude, and here’s the result. If you think it might be of interest to Prawfs readers, feel free to post about it.

Prompt:

Write an opinion for the Court by Justice Kagan, in the style of Justice Kagan, resolving the case of Jules v. Andre Balazs Properties. Use the following sources: Lower-court opinion: https://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/USSC-Petition-for-Writ-of-Certiorari_Jules_v_Andre-Balazs-Properties.pdf#page=39 Oral argument: https://www.supremecourt.gov/oral_arguments/audio/2025/25-83   Petitioner’s brief: https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/25/25-83/391951/20260116122533610_25-83%20Brief%20for%20Petitioner.pdf   Respondent’s brief: https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/25/25-83/396498/20260217162302726_25-83%20bs.pdf

Here is the opinion Claude produced.

Symposium: Profits from Pain and Other Legal Market Failures

Essay # 5 in our Book Symposium on Beth Burch’s The Pain Brokers, by Renee Knake Jefferson (Houston).

If you’ve been following the essays in this symposium on Elizabeth Chamblee Burch’s compelling new book, The Pain Brokers: How Con Men, Call Centers, and Rogue Doctors Fuel America’s Lawsuit Factory, by now you should be convinced it is a must-read.

Burch, a University of Georgia law professor and nationally recognized expert on mass tort litigation, spent two years conducting more than 150 interviews in motels, law offices, and roadside diners across the country (p. xi). The result is a work of narrative nonfiction that reads more like a crime thriller than a legal treatise.

It is worth taking a moment to appreciate how this book came to be. It is a product of Burch’s decision, as a tenured law professor, to enroll in the MFA Program in nonfiction at the University of Georgia’s Grady School of Journalism. Her commitment, in her words, “to turn the injustices of mass tort litigation into a story for general readers” (p. 291) is impressive. We might benefit from more academics investing time and energy into making their work accessible to readers beyond the so-called ivory tower. Burch is a gifted writer. Her book will keep you up late and haunt you long after you read the last page. I can already see it being made into a miniseries (think Jonathan Harr’s A Civil Action meets Apple TV’s Palm Royale set in 2015 instead of 1969—much of the action happens in Florida).

Burch exposes how the legal system facilitated a profitable market fueled by the pain of women injured with defective transvaginal mesh. What makes Burch’s analysis especially disturbing is the vivid portrayal of women who face life-threatening medical conditions with increasingly less ability to make informed, safe choices for their reproductive health. It is yet another example of how the legal system in many jurisdictions denies women full bodily autonomy.

Along the way we meet Sharon Gore, Jerri Plummer, and Barbara Shepard, three women who were each victimized twice: first by the unnecessary removal of their pelvic mesh and again by the legal system which should have compensated them, but instead rewarded those who took advantage of their suffering. These women, many poor and in chronic pain, were recruited through predatory telemarketing, transported to a fly-by-night pseudo-surgical center set up in a Florida office park, subjected to unnecessary or botched procedures, unwittingly saddled with high-interest loans when their insurance would have covered treatment, and then funneled into mass tort cases where the primary beneficiaries were not the victims but the lawyers and middlemen who had assembled the “inventory” of women in the first place (p. 49).

The scheme involved a network of con men, rogue doctors, and call-center operators who exploited tens of thousands of women. At the heart of the enterprise was what Burch labels a “LINO”—a law firm in name only (p. 8). According to Burch, Alpha Law, LLC “took no depositions, tried no trials, and sued nobody” (p. 8). Instead, the Florida-based entity was a “marketing firm that funneled clients to real lawyers in a manner that was illegal in Florida and everywhere else except Washington, DC” (p. 8). The “DC loophole,” as Burch calls it, is actually a rule of professional conduct. Most jurisdictions follow ABA Model Rule 5.4, which prohibits individuals without law licenses from owning or investing in law firms. DC has an exception in its version of 5.4 exploited by Alpha Law. (Notably, Arizona completely eliminated its Rule 5.4 in 2021, with recent mixed reviews both documenting positive innovations in the delivery of legal services and harms to consumers. No other state has followed Arizona’s lead.)

I want to situate The Pain Brokers in the context of other market failures in the legal system. In my own book Law Democratized: A Blueprint for Solving the Justice Crisis, I argue that the American legal profession faces a profound access-to-justice crisis. Every year, millions of individuals confront serious legal problems—eviction, debt collection, family disputes, consumer fraud, medical issues, and more—without meaningful access to legal representation. Civil courts across the country routinely see litigants navigating complicated legal procedures on their own. Many never even recognize their problems as something that could be resolved through the legal system.

The void in legal help is not merely the product of information asymmetries and limited financial resources; it is also the result of institutional design. Burch’s book paints a dramatic portrait of what can rush in to fill this void and the picture is not pretty. Where Law Democratized diagnoses a civil justice system plagued by scarcity, The Pain Brokers shows how predators exploit that desperation.

The parallels to Law Democratized are instructive and troubling. My book documents how 87 percent of American households facing civil legal problems never even seek legal help, a statistic that reflects not indifference but a market that does not reach ordinary people (p. xii). The women Burch profiles did not suffer from a lack of legal contact. They were inundated with it. Call centers found them, lawyers signed them up via electronic sleight-of-hand, and surgeons cashed in before the legal machinery had even begun to grind. What Burch reveals is that when the formal legal services market fails ordinary people, an informal and predatory one may fill the gap.

As I learned more about the market for pain facilitated by the “LINO” Alpha Law, it caused me to rethink my own recommendations in Law Democratized for reform of Model Rule 5.4 to allow individuals without law licenses to participate in law firm ownership (p. 145-46). While I still favor reforms to expand who may be authorized to provide legal help and how they may do so, The Pain Brokers is a cautionary tale that must guide any such reform efforts.

Burch is particularly incisive on the structural features of multidistrict litigation, or MDL, that enable this predation. In MDL proceedings, thousands of individual cases are consolidated before a single federal judge (p. 1). A small group of insider plaintiffs’ attorneys—chosen through a “good-ol’-boy network,” as Burch describes it—controls the litigation, sets the settlement terms, and collects the fees (p. 4). Traditional legal markets tend to serve those with full information who can afford to pay; in The Pain Brokers, Burch shows how MDL structures similarly concentrate profit and information at the top of the plaintiffs’ bar, even in litigation nominally waged on behalf of the powerless.

For scholars of legal ethics, the market harms Burch describes raise questions that extend well beyond MDL litigation. The legal profession has long framed professional responsibility primarily in terms of rules governing individual lawyers and their duties to clients. Yet the pelvic mesh litigation marketplace illustrates how profoundly lawyers shape institutions as well as individual cases. Through litigation strategies, case aggregation, and relationships with intermediaries, lawyers helped construct the very systems through which legal claims are identified and resolved.

Lawyers sit at the center of this system. They are the actors who transform personal injury into legal claims, who aggregate those claims into large-scale litigation campaigns, and who ultimately negotiate the settlements that distribute billions of dollars in compensation. Yet Burch’s account reveals how modern mass-tort practice resembles a supply chain. Potential plaintiffs may be identified through digital advertising, routed through lead-generation companies, and matched with law firms assembling vast portfolios of cases for multidistrict litigation. In such a system, the lawyer-client relationship—long understood as the ethical core of legal practice—can become attenuated as claims move through layers of intermediaries before reaching the courtroom. The “inventory” of clients may never meet their lawyer at all. Seen from that perspective, Burch’s narrative is not simply a study of mass-tort practice. It is an invitation to reconsider how professional responsibility should be understood in an era when legal markets operate on a national and increasingly digital scale.

The Pain Brokers is a rigorous indictment of a legal system that allowed financial incentives to crowd out human dignity. At times the book’s narrative momentum runs ahead of its policy analysis. Burch is a formidable legal scholar but the book’s general-audience framing keeps structural reform largely in the background or relegated to footnotes (for example p. 290). Readers learn in vivid detail what went wrong; the “Band-Aids” chapter (pp. 243-248) gestures toward solutions, but Burch leaves her audience desperate for justice. I hope The Pain Brokers inspires more to read about her scholarly proposals for reform. And I’d love to read the sequel.

26th Amendment Case Law

There is not a significant Twenty-Sixth Amendment Supreme Court case. But I started reading the leading circuit cases and came away unimpressed.

Here’s an example. During the pandemic, some states enacted laws that gave older people special privileges with respect to mail-in voting. These laws were upheld against 26th Amendment challenges. One argument those courts made was that in 1971 (when the 26th was ratified) the “right to vote” was generally understood to mean in-person voting. Accordingly, mail-in voting rules do not implicate the “right to vote.”

But this cannot be right. If there were special mail-in rules for whites or women, those would not be upheld under the 15th or 19th Amendments even though voting in those eras was also primarily in-person.

Another argument in the recent cases was that giving some people a special privilege or waiver does not “abridge” the rights of others. Again, I don’t think that logic would work under the other suffrage amendments.

Now it could be that the pandemic was a public health emergency that justified a temporary exception to the 26th Amendment. So the holdings of the recent cases may be correct. But that would mean that the exception cannot continue.

The upshot is that there is ample room for a Twenty-Sixth Amendment originalist article that will give that text its due. Maybe I’ll turn to that after I get the current article done and try it out for Originalism-Works-In-Progress in San Diego.

What’s Wrong With Insincere Legal Scholarship? [Now With More AI]

There have been several interesting conversations about legal scholarship in the past couple of days. They started on blogs, but I understand they have also generated 280 characters at a time of what, given that format, must surely be rich, thoughtful discussion elsewhere. Taken together, they raise some interesting questions. Although most of the posts are about scholarship in general, some of them focus on scholarship and AI, and AI arguably figures as a complicating factor in all of them. I hope to get around to all of them, but rather than try to do it all in one gulp, let me start with just one of those posts.

It comes from Larry Solum, whose post Wednesday at the Legal Theory Blog castigated social-media commentary on recent birthright citizenship scholarship for exhibiting “a very uncharitable attitude towards scholarship with which the poster disagree[s].” He continued:

My view of the role of Legal Theory Blog is premised on the idea that scholarship ought to be viewed as a search for truth and that scholarly debate should be civil and charitable. Attempts to shame or silence scholarship are always problematic and rarely justified. Statements to the effect that the author of a piece is insincere without any evidence should be condemned and have no place in responsible scholarship. What should matter is what Jürgen  Habermas called “the unforced force of the better argument.”

I mostly want to focus on sincerity here, but let me say first that I’m not sure why attempts to “shame” scholarship are “always problematic and rarely justified.” Maybe Larry means that the attempts are problematic because they’re rarely justified. Scholars often overestimate the strength of their criticisms and/or the weakness of their adversaries’ views, and the error rate makes shaming problematic as a practice. I sympathize. But surely there is plenty of bad scholarship in any academic field–bad in intent, bad in design, bad in execution. The direct and indirect harms of bad scholarship are numerous. It enables error to burrow in; it muddies the waters and raises search costs; cumulatively, it devalues good and bad scholarship alike. Not least, because those who do bad scholarship “well” can end up in influential positions, it entrenches and encourages the same bad moves, especially but not exclusively by junior scholars. I would have thought, therefore, that shaming bad scholarship is often problematic but frequently justified. To take one of many possible examples, American law reviews cite plenty of work taken from other fields. Yet neither American journals nor American law professors universally run citations through Retraction Watch. I would think shaming is in order, both because this failure is literally shameful and because the shame might lend support to better individual and collective practices.

I sympathize, too, with Larry’s assertion that calling an author insincere “without any evidence” is wrong and irresponsible. Or at least I mostly sympathize with it. The problem with such accusations isn’t that they’re always wrong, and I don’t read Larry to suggest otherwise. It’s that they are thrown around too casually, given our lack of access to others’ minds.

Accusations of insincerity often rely on the fallacious proposition that one can arrive at a reliable conclusion about someone else’s motives by reasoning logically from a small number of facts and (contestable) premises–e.g., “It’s so sloppily done, or the author is so new to the discussion, that it must be insincere, conspiratorial, etc.” That sort of argument can be described as relying on “evidence.” But it’s weak evidence, and most of the real work in such an accusation is done by the questionable inferences, not the actual evidence itself. Confident accusations of insincerity often ignore mixed motives, and they ignore the reality that people are often imperfectly aware of their own motives. In practice, accusers are often cynical about the motives of their adversaries, but credulous or silent about their own motives or those of writers with whom they agree. This does not make the accuser’s charge of insincerity wrong, but it may affect the accuracy of the general picture of the debate and its participants.

One defense of accusations of insincerity is that they provide an important part of the context for understanding a debate–about scholarship, about politics, or what have you. On this view, if a prim insistence on “civility” demands the exclusion of such charges, then it is effectively legitimating and benefiting bad-faith actors and distorting reality. Against this, and even if one ignores the value of civility as such, is the possibility that the number of errors, faulty reasoning, and corrosive habits that one avoids by barring weakly evidenced charges of insincerity outweighs the epistemic value of permitting those accusations. Some bad actors will get away with their insincerity. But the gains outweigh the costs.

That’s the position I ultimately take and one that I try, with epic levels of imperfection, to apply. Nevertheless, after reading Larry’s post, I find myself perversely doubting this position. Larry confines himself to criticizing charges of insincerity made “without any evidence,” while leaving well-founded accusations of insincerity on the table. My sense is that most people, wherever they come out on the norm that should apply to speculative accusations of insincerity, would agree that criticizing insincere legal scholarship when one has strong evidence for that criticism is at least fine and perhaps obligatory. But despite my own general view, I have to wonder: Why should we care about insincerity at all? A charge of insincerity clearly carries weight in the world. If it didn’t, we wouldn’t bother to make it–or to insist that one not make it without strong evidence. But why should it matter?

Following Habermas, Larry argues, against allowing casual charges of insincerity, that all that matters is “the unforced force of the better argument.” If that’s so, why exactly should we care if an argument is made insincerely, even when there is strong evidence of this? Whether an argument is insincere is wholly distinct from the question whether it has been made shoddily, badly, illogically, without convincing evidence, and so on. Full many an honest and sincere actor has written scholarship that fails all those tests. And surely some number of rotten, corrupt, self-serving, office- or profit-seeking, cause- or ideology-driven, mercenary, and otherwise shitty individuals have written excellent articles for bad motives and without an ounce of sincerity–for fun, or politics, or profit, or tenure (which is the same thing). Whatever the writer’s motives or true beliefs, such an article has the unforced force of the better argument. The argument is not better or worse because its author happens to believe it.

The mercenary, dishonest, insincere writer of a good argument may have written herself one step close to damnation, and the pure-hearted writer of a flawed argument may have written herself one step closer to heaven. Given those high stakes, our concern for the souls of others, and the fact that scholarship and writing are–like everything else–a moral enterprise, we should take that seriously, and maybe we should say so more often. But if our ultimate lodestar is the unforced force of the better argument, shouldn’t we assent to the persuasive argument of the damned writer and reject the flawed argument of the saved writer, and read both arguments as if the truth and persuasion of the work are all that counts and authorial sincerity is irrelevant? If a persuasive article is prefaced with a frank statement from the author that she has written the article because its argument will undermine the government’s position in the birthright citizenship case, or because it will be good for her career, or out of simple perversity, and that nothing that follows should be understood to state her own view, why should that matter if our considered conclusion is that she has given the better argument?

I appreciate that by focusing on the one phrase quoted by Larry, I’m ignoring a lot of relevant background context from Habermas–including, to quote Michael Froomkin, a “good faith commitment to honest [and “nonstrategic[ ]”] debate.” Perhaps those missing ingredients, which I am too ignorant to do justice to here, supply the answer to my question. If they do, I would have thought that we should be more willing to police the requirements of honesty and good faith, and thus less inclined to follow Larry’s restrictive rule concerning accusations of insincerity. Maybe the sheer quantity of American legal scholarship that openly or covertly fails the test of engaging in non-strategic debate makes the whole realm so non-ideal that we should treat American legal scholarship as a plague zone, a failed experiment in honest deliberation and debate. Maybe we would then see an individual’s adoption of a strong assumption against insincerity partly as an effort to model ideal deliberation, regardless of what others are actually doing, and partly as a dogged or desperate attempt to preserve one’s own soul in a sinful world. I find those possibilities interesting and admirable. But in either case, the approach would have little or nothing to do with the actual state of affairs.

The possibility and reality of AI-generated legal scholarship, it seems to me, heightens the question. Roughly put, I understand the position of advocates in this area to be that if the use of AI, in part or even in whole, to create scholarly work results in more and better scholarship, then the search for truth has been advanced and we should treat this as a positive good. To the extent that this is right, and that the AI engine itself has no motives to be sincere or insincere about, why should we care whether the originating “author” is sincere or not? Imagine that the human originator writes, in the (machine-generated) preface to an otherwise convincing article, that he asked the AI engine to find a missing argument in some existing body of literature, choose the side of that argument that is most likely to appeal to the largest number of likely readers (with a weighted emphasis on appealing to lateral hiring committees), and write the best possible version of that argument, which follows. Does the truth of that argument suffer from the multiple layers of lack of genuine feeling or belief that went into producing it? If that human generates one of these every week, sending them into the world out of what he happily admits are purely mercenary motives and with a general indifference to the positions taken, does his sincerity or insincerity matter at all?

I would like to think it does. But I’m not sure I can justify that belief. I might reject the whole enterprise on other grounds, even if it results in more and better scholarship produced more rapidly. There are good reasons to avoid lightly accusing others of insincerity, even if we are certain that some number of academic authors are in fact insincere. But the overarching question whether we should care about scholarly insincerity at all seems like a tougher question to me, and one that will increasingly have little to do with the actual quality of the scholarly work.

State/Federal Article Five Teamwork

The most important innovation Birch Bayh introduced to the Article V process was the solicitation of state input on the drafting of amendments. Let me give you an example.

During the Twenty-Fifth Amendment discussions, a basic divide was between people who wanted the amendment to spell out the details of determining the inability of the President versus those who just wanted to empower Congress to do that later.

Senator Bayh (who preferred the detailed proposal) decided to survey state legislators on this point. A letter was sent to those leaders across the country which said, in part: “As an ex-state legislator from Indiana, it is my feeling that my State would prefer to know the exact procedure contemplated rather than giving to the Congress a ‘blank check.’ This was, of course, not a neutral survey. But Bayh then used the survey data to persuade Congress.

There are other examples. When state legislators raised questions about the 25th amendment during the ratification process, Senator Bayh and his staff gave them interpretive guidance. (This was also true for the proposed ERA.) And following the Court’s decision in Oregon v. Mitchell, Bayh surveyed state leaders (including State Secretaries of State) to jump start the process for proposing the 26th Amendment. (I’ve found one such response from Jerry Brown, then the young Secretary of State of California).

I think this sort of collaboration is a model for future Article V amendments.

Scholarship > Politics

Ilan Wurman (Minnesota) has been one of the highest-profile scholars defending Trump’s birthrigh citizenship order. He has been criticized for doing bad scholarship (especially bad history), as well as being politically motivated to defend and offer a patina of scholarly support to the Trump Administration.

On that last point, Wurman responded by accusing the “thousands” of liberal scholars of never reaching a conclusion that does not align with their political ideology, where as originalists always reach conclusions that do not align with their political views.

Not that I aPutting aside “the other side is political” as a response to an accusation of being political, but:

• I have spent 5 of the past 8 years arguing that federal courts cannot universally enjoin the Trump Administration and that Trump does not “violate the law” by attempting–until a court orders otherwise–to deprive certain children of citizenship, to fire statutorily protected federal employees, etc.

• I have spent the past 5 years arguing that Red states can enact statutes such as S.B. 8, intended to chill the exercise of certain liberally favored rights through the threat of crippling litigation and liability.

• I have continually argued that conservatives should be able to file bullshit defamation actions in federal court without being subject to anti-SLAPP motions.

• Free speech–taken seriously–always crosses political preferences, which puts me at odds with everyone–fellow Jews, fellow liberals.

So I will put that record up against the many people who discovered that universal injunctions are bad on January 21, 2025 and not when Matthew Kaczmarek was styming everything the Biden Administration tried to do.

Marty Redish used to tell his mentees “If your scholarly or legal conclusions always align with your political preferences, check your scholarly conclusions.”

Truman Capote Before the Senate

He was one of the moat colorful witnesses who appeared before the Bayh Subcommittee. Capote testified against Miranda in 1966 on the ground that the killers he chronicled throughout In Cold Blood would not have been convicted if the Miranda warnings were in place. (That’s far from clear, by the way). In his prepared statement, Capote said this:

“I have never met an innocent man who has confessed to a crime he didn’t commit.”

I’m sure this was true, but it was also irrelevant. Lack of personal knowledge says nothing about the existence of that thing. (I’ve never seen a dingo, but that not mean there aren’t any.)

Capote also said: “I have never met a murderer who would willingly confess to his crime with the protection guaranteed by the Miranda decision.” Again, true but beside the point. But he did get the Subcommittee headlines. Senator Bayh was pictured with Capote in the papers the next day.

One Other Question About That Neo-CLS Critique of Process

I wrote about it here yesterday. I have one genuine question. Before breaking into a full-on Crit-plus-integralism gallop, the piece defends a “basic tie-breaker rule” for HLS Federalist Society elections: “if Robert’s Rules of Order and the Elections Code failed to resolve a deadlock, the elections chair would appeal to natural law first principles to decide the controversy.” Somewhere along the way, after the nine paragraphs of criticism of Justice Gorsuch’s opinion in Bostock that one naturally expects to see in discussions of student group election procedures, it says:

It will be upon the future Election Chair to decide these issues, although a strong statutory command can be read for these, given the background literature in classical legal theory that provides meaning to the words that the “State exists to preserve freedom,” that the “separation of powers is central to the Constitution,” and that, “it is emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be.”[26] 

Fine by me. I’m not sure how closely connected it is to the “how do we decide FedSoc election disputes” conundrum, or how the piece manages to proceed from here to an exhortation to learn from King Josiah and engage in a national purge. But, to quote a very wise man, “Forget it, he’s rolling.

What does puzzle me a little, though, is that footnote:

Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States, 131 (New Orleans: Quid Pro Books, 2013) (“The aim of every political constitution is, or ought to be, first, to obtain for rulers men, who possess most wisdom to discern, and most virtue to pursue, the common good of society; and, in the next place, to take the most effectual precautions for keeping them virtuous…”); Adrian Vermeule, Common Good Constitutionalism, 59 (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2022) (“In the classical theory, the ultimate genuinely common good of political life is the happiness or flourishing of the community, the well-ordered life in the polis”); Confucius, The Analects, trans. Simon Leys, 2.16 (“The Master said, ‘The gentleman [junzi] understands what is morally right. The petty man [xiaoren] understands what is profitable.’”); Justinian I, The Institutes of Justinian, trans. J.B. Moyle, 7 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913) (“The precepts of the law are these: to live honestly, to injure no one, and to give every man his due.”); 1 Timothy 2:11–12 RSVCE (“Let a woman learn in silence with all submissiveness. I permit no woman to teach or to have authority over men; she is to keep silent.”).

Whether I agree or disagree–as it happens, I would be delighted if virtue and virtue ethics were far more prominent in thinking about constitutional law and politics, not least because of their ability to help us think through things like this and this and this, as well as this and this and, oh yeah, this–I can understand most of these citations. I can understand their relationship to, if not the actual subject of HLS FedSoc election tie-breakers, then all the other stuff the author gets around to discussing. But I am just plumb flummoxed by what significance the passage from 1 Timothy has here. Perhaps someone can enlighten me.

Birch Bayh, Miranda, and the Court

In 1968, Congress attempted to overturn Miranda for federal cases by enacting the Crimes Control And Safe Streets Act. The Supreme Court held that part of the statute unconstitutional in 2000.

Birch Bayh gave an interesting statement on this issue for the Senate Judiciary Committee Report on the bill. He began by noting that his Subcommittee had held extensive hearings on the issue. His takeaway was:

This entire area is an extremely difficult and complicated one. Law enforcement officials almost unanimously agree that Miranda did in varying degrees cause them considerable difficulty. On the other hand, there was strong evidence expressing reluctance to support an effort to rearrange, restrict or repeal the Fifth Amendment guarantees.

After stating that he thought the bill’s Miranda provision would be struck down, Senator Bayh added this thought:

However, I do believe that [the provision] could serve, as Senator McClellan has suggested[,] as an admonition to the Court, that strong sentiment and cause exists against the further extension of the doctrine pronounced in Miranda. In addition, it is hoped that the consideration of this matter by the Congress will cause all law enforcement agencies to reexamine the actual holding of the Court in Miranda. Much evidence was presented in the hearings of the Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments to the effect that some well-meaning jurisdictions had extended the holding of Miranda to be more restrictive on the police than was actually the intention of the Court. 

Bayh made a similar observation about the Warren Court’s school prayer cases. (In other words, they were being read too broadly.)

College in pop culture

Orly mentioned the two new shows focusing on college and college profs–HBO’s Rooster and Netflix’s Vladimir. I share Orly’s interest in and desire to watch these shows. We watched all of Vladimir and started Rooster. I wrote about The Chair in 2021. But I always walk away disappointed in the depiction of college and academia, which they simplify (cancel culture! snowflakes!) or paint in unrealistic terms (a prof breaks numerous federal computer-hacking laws to identify the student who gave her a bad review).

This article captures many of my thoughts on this. The author is a tv writer married to an academic, so he knows more about academic outside law schools than I do. And remember: When a headline asks a question, the answer is always “no.”

A Critique of Process [apres le deluge]

In one sense, this striking piece in The New Digest is an argument that 1) a strong attachment to the value of process and its legitimating role in the rule of law amounts to liberal fetishism; 2) procedure, to offer a tendentious description of the argument, is only good so far as it leads to the results you like; 3) conversely, it is wicked, and “not law,” if it leads to an act of statutory interpretation that requires a government body to “hire a gay man handling children.” (More accurately, that passage should read: “…if it results in government being statutorily prohibited from discriminatorily firing a gay man, albeit a gay man who’s a layperson and not a member of the clergy, who works in a non-child-handling capacity as coordinator of a juvenile court child welfare advocacy program and has helped it win national awards for its work, but who then has the temerity to openly, flagrantly, disgustingly play softball.”)

In another but, I would suggest, equally meaningful sense, the piece is a deployment of wide-ranging, centuries-spanning, “purge”-friendly argument and high-flown language–all in the service of a tussle about who gets to occupy a resume-enhancing position of negligible importance in a student group at an Ivy League law school. Universities, famously, are the place where the arguments are so fierce because the stakes are so small. The saying needs a second part: Ivy League universities are the place where fierce arguments about small stakes get extensive media coverage, and everyone involved in the spat publishes at least one op-ed about it.

It is both pleasing and unsurprising that both senses of the piece–the actual argument it makes, and the relationship of that argument to the actual stakes, which mostly have to do with internecine disputes over the distribution of status goods within the Ivy League–come together, with almost divinely ordered complementarity, in one clear conclusion: The spirit of Critical Legal Studies continues to flourish at Harvard Law School. It’s fitting that this piece appears in The New Digest, because I don’t think anyone currently teaching at Harvard has done more to keep the Crit spirit alive there than Prof. Vermeule.

Constitutional Amendment Proposals for the Primary System

One hearing of the Bayh Subcommittee that I’ve not posted about before was held in 1972. The subject was the creation of a national primary system for presidential nominations. Here were the three alternatives discussed:

  1. A nationwide primary for each party in August of the election year. If nobody got over 40%, there would be a runoff between the top 2. (In other words, no more voting by conventions or convention delegates.)
  2. Five regional primaries held between March and July for delegates.
  3. Every state would be required to hold a party primary, caucus, or convention on the same date in July.